While there have not been too many complaints in mainstream media over these developments, one cannot help but wonder what the backlash would have been like if, for example, Hollywood had made the movie ‘Coach Carter’, with a Caucasian actor replacing Sam Jackon’s role, which was based on a real-life story. In terms of marketing or box office numbers, it is also puzzling why they would cast Sturgess (a relative unknown) as the lead student instead of Aaron Yoo (also in the film as a minor role), when the movie already had cast such big-name stars as Kevin Spacey and Laurence Fishburne.
Posts filed under 'Cinema'
Reconsidering Brokeback
Cross-posted from The Blog and the Bullet.
Marisol Lebron, over at the blog post pomo nuyorican homo, blogs about Brokeback Moutain (in retrospect of Heith Ledger and the latest Batman film):
I confessed that I actually owned the film on DVD and enjoyed it quite a bit when I first saw it. I still think that the film has some of the most breathtaking cinematography I have seen in a long time. What I hated about Brokeback was the hyped up mainstream celebration of the film and the lack of critical race and sexuality analysis. For me, seeing the film in a theater packed with gay white men in Chelsea, I noticed the film became a collective moment for the predominantly Anglo audience to share their despair at the fact that there was no happy ending for the two white male protagonists.
Add comment Friday, July 25, 2008
Hiroshima
The movie was written by a survivor of Hiroshima. He was only six years old when the bomb was dropped on his city.
Add comment Sunday, April 13, 2008
“Hmmmmm…Needs More White Folks.”
Cross-posted from The Blog and the Bullet.
Add comment Thursday, March 20, 2008
Proving Manhood
Cross-posted from The Blog and the Bullet.
DesiGirl blogs about the movie Varalalu in where the main actor Ajith “proves his manhood” by raping a woman:
The cherry on top of this sick icing happens a few scenes later, when the girl’s mum pleads his case to her now pregnant daughter, with the standard “He is a good man, sweetheart” line. Of course he is, if you discount the fact the raped you to prove his manhood. He is so the man!It is movies like this that make me want to gag. Here we have organisations trying to fight crimes against women and then we have movies like this tosh, that make a whole mahatma out of the sod who commits this heinous crime. Even more gaggable fact is that, the adoring public turned up in droves to see this load of crap, shelling out their hard earned money hand over fist to make it a hit. A hit! This &%$#* of a film!
Add comment Thursday, December 13, 2007
Authentic Mystical Experience
Cross-posted from The Blog and the Bullet.
The Stumbling Mystic blogs about the documentary Jesus Camp, a movie on a camp that indoctrinates children into a hard-ling arch conservative Christian message:
Authentic spiritual experiences erase the “us versus them” mentality. They blur the boundaries between self and other. Emotional and vitalistic experiences like the ones portrayed in Jesus Camp by their very nature reinforce the shadow rather than transmuting it and therefore deepen the fault lines within humanity. Some of the children in the movie report feeling “disgusting” inside when they meet a non-Christian. What a terrible tragedy that such nonsense is being peddled in the name of Jesus of Nazareth!
Blog first viewed at BlogBharti.
Add comment Monday, December 10, 2007
Review: Syriana
I just saw the movie Syriana for the second time in a little over a year last night and it inspired me to write a review for the movie as it deals with many of the subjects I blog about. Particularly foreign policy and religion. Warning though since there will be spoilers about the plot as I will be using them for commentary.
The movie starts off with a merger between two fictional oil companies, Connex and Killen which in turn make them the fifth largest oil company in the world with assets that would make them the 23rd largest country in the world. However the Justice Department gets suspicious and wants to investigate the merger before it is approved. One of the reasons for the investigation is that Connex lost the bidding rights to an oil field in the Middle East (in a country that, to me, represents Saudi Arabia) and was able to somehow pull off a merger with a smaller oil company, Killen, which had just bought the rights for a large vast array of oil fields in the not fully taped oil regions of Kazakhstan.
The story swirls delicately and deftly around four main characters with other slightly smaller, but just as important, main characters. Those characters are CIA operative Bob Barnes (played by George Clooney, very loosely based on Robert Baer, the CIA operative and writer of See No Evil in which the movies politics are loosely based on), an expert in the Middle East and veteran of the Lebanon Civil War in the 1980s. Bennet Holiday (Jeffery Wright), a Black attorney who lives in an upscale part of Washington D.C. and works for Sloan Whiting. Bryan Woodman (Matt Damon), an energy analyst and consultant who works for an energy firm based in Geneva and which is trying to court the Al-Subaai family (similar to the Saudi ruling Saud family) and have them become their clients. And finally there is the Pakistani youth and migrant worker Wasim Ahmed Khan (Mazhar Munir) who is recently laid off from Connex due to the change in ownership of the oil fields and who needs to find a job in a country that will deport him if he doesn’t.
What the movie does so well, and what others have criticized as excessively confusing, is switching between the perspectives of each character and giving the viewer subtle hints of the background, history, and thoughts of each character through subtle shifts of the camera, facial expressions, and body movement. The movie also doesn’t insult the intelligence of the viewer, expecting a certain grasp on U.S. relations to the rest of the world and corporate motivations in the energy sector. There is no one single “smart guy” in the movie who has to explain things such as. “Duh dude. Connex is a large oil company that wants to get its hands on the oil reserves in the Middle East yet also is about protecting U.S. interests…” etc., etc. Instead the viewer is left to piece everything together on their own and it will take two to possibly three viewings to fully grasp everything. But for the patient movie goer this will be quite an enjoyable experience to do.
What I love about this movie is its social and political commentary and its sympathetic treatment of some of the characters you wouldn’t expect to get sympathetic treatment as well as insights into the male dominated and racist world of corporate America. One fine scene is where Holiday is sitting down to lunch with his immediate boss discussing the Connex case they’ve been assigned to audit. In that scene the founder of the law firm they both work for, Dean Whiting (Christopher Plummer), walks in and Holiday’s boss introduces the two to each other as a formality. Holiday gets up to say hello and extends his hand for a shake but Whiting, griping his newspaper and looking a little perturbed, just waves his hand ever so slightly declining the handshake in a manner that is a little bit less than polite. In just a few seconds the director Stephen Gaghan shows Whiting’s racist underside and in turn offers a slight glimpse into the “good ole boy club” style of the American corporate world.
Another aspect of the movie is the exposure of the constant politicking of the CIA bureaucrats, oil men, politicians, and lobbyists. In the opening scene Branes is selling weapons to an Iranian arms dealer. During the deal however the arms dealer hands one of the stinger missile launchers to an Egyptian Islamic fundamentalist. Barnes, obviously concerned, starts writing memos to the CIA leadership but the leadership isn’t very much concerned with a fundamentalist having one stinger missile, they are more concerned with not looking complicit in the assassination of the Iranian arms dealer. After telling the French and British intelligence agencies that they had nothing to do with the assassination they don’t want to in turn tell them they somehow have a missing stinger missile launcher in Iran. Later on Barnes is sent to Lebanon to assassinate Prince Nasir, a reformist prince in the Al-Subaai family who is losing in a power struggle to succeed his father, the king, to his younger brother who is more friendly with the Americans and Connex. During his stint in Beirut Barnes is tortured by an Iranian agent who in turns is telling people that Barnes was an agent for the CIA sent to assassinate Nasir. The CIA further distances itself from Barnes by stating that he undertook a rouge mission without CIA permission.
Other subtle and very apt points the movie shows is a scene where Barnes is talking to a congresswoman about the Iranian being people being “natural allies” of the U.S. and helping the U.S. in “liberating” them from their mullahs. Barnes calls her out on her bullshit which than causes her to introduce a group of white business men and lobbyists whom call themselves The “Committee to Liberate Iran.” This little point in the movie generally exposes the truth behind many groups in Washington that try to influence Congress and the Executive in “liberating” countries. Mostly these groups are rich white business men or expats (such as the members of the Iraqi National Congress) whom are looking to expand their capital into yet untapped countries. The irony is not meant to be missed in that scene and other scenes which include the Committee to Liberate Iran.
Some of the most poingent scenes however are reserved for Wasim Ahmed Khan. Near the beginning of the movie it shows Kahn, his father, and a large group of migrant South Asian workers (mostly from Pakistan and India I presume) being laid off from the Connex oil factory due to “change in ownership” as a Chinese oil company outbid the American Connex. In the repressive and culturally smug society they are staying at (most likely representing Saudi Arabia) they must all find jobs within two weeks or else they will be deported as their visas no longer will be valid. As Khan wonders around to find work and as his father muses about the snow covered peaks of Pakistan he gets drawn into a Wahhabist Islamic school in order to better learn Arabic in order to get a job in the country he’s staying in. From the reports I’ve read on Saudi society and on South Asian migrant workers in general being employed by American, European, and Middle Eastern companies, this movie shows their lives in generally realistic ways; they all live in a company encampment together and as they are jobless and scorned by the racist society they are staying in the youth, including Khan, tend to wander around, get drunk, and talk about any little thing to pass the time. Mazhar Munir plays Khan with a great poise and eloquence as he draws us in into his desperation and the director paints a very sympathetic picture of Khan where a sympathetic picture needs to be taken. You get the sense that it was indeed forces outside his control, mainly corporate and U.S. foreign policy interests as well as the oppressive Saudi (well, a country supposed to represent Saudi Arabia) society he is staying in, that drove him towards the fundamentalist religious school.
The director weaves all of these different factors together: politics, business, religious, cultural, social; near the end of the movie when Khan and his friend decide to take up a suicide mission. Before he leaves his father Khan asks for some money for the bus and then uncharacteristically embraces him in a warm hug. This takes his father aback a little and as he continues to play cricket you can sense he is curious and perhaps worried about the trip his son is about to take, but to where he does not know.
At the inauguration of the Connex-Killen oil facility in that Arab country in question (after Nasir’s brother kicks out the Chinese in favor of Connex) an oil tanker ceremoniously is filled with oil on its first voyage to the west. Khan and his friend are in a boat heading towards that tanker with the armed stinger missile (which doesn’t have a guidance system but is fully armed). As the music plays a contemplative yet soothing melody you see their boat turn towards the tanker and watch until the camera cuts a split second before the explosion. With that the director plays a video taped message from Khan about his wished to be buried while the lives of the other characters are being wrapped up on screne. In it Khan expresses his wishes for the mourners to throw dust on his casket three times and state. “From dust you are created. To dust you return. From dust a new life will be given.”
Add comment Sunday, August 12, 2007
I Now Pronounce You Racist
Jenn from Reappropiate blogs about the recent movie I Now Pronounce You Chuck and Larry and it’s use of yellow face:
A lesser publicized but equally weighty concern over this film, however, is its prominent use of yellowface for Rob Schneider’s (surprisingly) uncredited role as the minister who weds Chuck and Larry. Schneider’s scenes are within a few seconds of the trailer embedded above.
Bearing a stereotypical muschroom cut, bucked teeth, jaundiced skin, and glasses reminscent of Mickey Rooney’s Mr. Yunioshi in Breakfast at Tiffany’s, Schneider plays up the ‘r/l’ slurs and stilted “Chingrish” typically used to mock recent Asian immigrants.
3 comments Tuesday, August 7, 2007
A Call to Leftist Movie Goers
AradhanaD, of the blog “Leftist” Looney Lunchbox, calls for movie review submissions:
I started “Leftist” movie reviews back in January, I would really like for it to be an aggregate of the best movie reviews in the blogosphere. The more contemporary the better!
I get a lot of hits here at LLL with the search terms “leftist movies”, so I figure there are enough people interested in this.
If you have blogged about a movie and would like to see it cross-posted at LMR, please email me…
1 comment Wednesday, June 6, 2007
Killer of Sheep
Mark Anthony Neal posts a movie review by Esther Ivereem on the 30th anniversary of “Killer of Sheep:”
For its 30th anniversary, Charles Burnett’s acclaimed masterpiece, “Killer of Sheep,” an unsentimental and quirky portrait of the Los Angeles Black working-class, has been restored and upgraded to a 35-mm print for the proper theatrical release that it never had in 1977. As it makes its way to dozens of cities in the coming weeks, film lovers may recognize it as an important missing link between the Blaxploitation era of movies of the 1970s and the “New Wave” of Black filmmakers that began with Spike Lee’s debut in 1986.
Add comment Tuesday, June 5, 2007
A Marxist Poet: The Legacy of Gillo Pontecorvo
By Alexander Billet
This was an essay that appeared on Oct. 19, 2006 in the MR Zine (a zine website set up by the Monthly Review Foundation, publishers of The Monthly Review). Alexander Billet is a writer and activist who lives in Washington D.C. and is currently working on a book titled The Kids Are Shouting Loud: The Music and Politics of The Clash.
The views and opinions expressed in this essay do not necessarily reflect those of the creator of this blog and are the sole responsibility of the author. Essays expressing opinions similar to and counter to those of the creator of this blog are strictly for diversity and to start thoughtful and meaningful discussion.
Pauline Kael, the American film critic, once said that Gillo Pontecorvo was the most dangerous kind of Marxist: a Marxist poet. When the Italian film director died last week at the age of 86, he had not made a full-length feature in over twenty-five years. Yet the potency of Pontecorvo’s firebrand poetry can still be felt today. Despite completing only a small handful films during his fifty-year career, his unique voice and uncompromising politics have made a lasting impression that resonates throughout the world of cinema.
It was The Battle of Algiers (La Bataille D’Alger) that established Pontecorvo as one of the most controversial filmmakers of his time and as an international icon. Any director or writer who has ventured into the world of social or political filmmaking, from Mira Nair to Oliver Stone, will cite Algiers as an influence, and its mark can be felt on movies as diverse as Traffic and Do the Right Thing.
Pontecorvo was born in 1919 to middle-class Jewish parents in an Italy soon to be in the hands of Mussolini’s fascism. He described himself in his early years as being fairly “apolitical.” But with growing anti-semitism in Italy, Pontecorvo’s path was to inevitably cross with the growing anti-fascism among ordinary Europeans. During a trip to France, where he rubbed elbows with the likes of Picasso and Jean-Paul Sartre, as well as some who had fought against Franco in the Spanish Civil War, his radicalization crystallized. Upon returning to Italy in the 1940s, he joined the underground anti-fascist movement and became the head of the clandestine Communist youth organization.
With the fall of fascism, Pontecorvo set out to become a photojournalist, but after seeing Roberto Rossellini’s masterpiece Paisan, about the fascist persecution of Italian partisans, he decided that his passion lay in filmmaking. His first films were documentaries and short films, and his first full length, La Grande Strada Azzurra (The Wide Blue Road) would garner much praise and a prize at the Karlovy Vary Festival. But it was 1959’s Kapo, a film about a woman’s escape attempt from a Nazi concentration camp, in which Pontecorvo would begin to take up explicitly political issues. The director had left the Communist Party in 1956 in protest against the Soviet invasion of Hungary, but as his films show, he would always remain dedicated to social change. “I’m still a man of the left,” he would say in a 1992 interview, “searching . . . for a way to change the terrible things in our world.”
This would become apparent in his next film. The Battle of Algiers, the story of the Algerian people’s struggle for liberation from French domination, is regarded as Pontecorvo’s masterpiece and cemented his place as the foremost political filmmaker of his generation. It employed revolutionary techniques to deliver an airtight case against French colonialism in the same vein as Frantz Fanon. First, the film was shot in the style of a newsreel: black and white, grainy. Second, instead of following one dominant protagonist, he sought to make the Algerian people as a whole the protagonist, a “choral personage” which would owe much to Rosselini as well as Sergei Eisenstein. Here is where we see Pontecorvo at his best: his masterfully realistic depiction of crowds, and his careful selection of non-actors in the main roles. Pontecorvo was so loyal to realism that he even cast Saadi Yacef, a leader of the Algerian liberation movement, in the role of El-Hadi Jaffar, the rebel leader in the Algiers Casbah. The result is an immediacy unparalleled by most films.
Pontecorvo also wanted to humanize — rather than dogmatically villainize — the French occupiers. “I believe, and above all (scriptwriter) Franco Solinas believed, that it is important to get inside the minds of both sides. The paratroopers, for instance; why should we make them out to be monsters, or like the SS? The condemnation of colonialism, which was our objective, is better served by putting the blame elsewhere: on the error and intransigence of colonialism.” Hence, the French Colonel Mathieu (played by Jean Martin, the only professional actor in the cast) is charismatic, sophisticated, and makes clear that he is simply here to do a job, the job that becomes more and more chilling as we see him and his troops brutally torture Algerians to gain intelligence on the resistance.
These perfectly created what Pontecorvo called a “dictatorship of truth.” By the end of the film, there is little question that the Algerians are justified in kicking out the French, using whatever means necessary to that end. The film garnered both controversy and praise upon its release; despite being banned in France for four years, it won the Golden Lion at the 1966 Venice Film Festival, as well as many other awards and nominations. It was clearly a polarizing movie: Western conservatives attempted to write it off as a piece of Communist propaganda, while radical groups from the IRA to the Black Panthers used it as a source of learning and inspiration.
It is appropriate that Algiers would find a new generation of admirers and enthusiasts. Today, it is frequently screened by left-wing and anti-war groups all over the world in order to better understand the consequences arrogant imperialism. Ironically, the Pentagon, too, held a screening of the film in 2003 to better “prepare” for what lay ahead in Iraq. Looking at the country today, though, we may safely say that they didn’t learn the right lesson: namely that occupations ultimately fail.
Pontecorvo made two more full-length features: 1969’s Queimada! (Burn!) and 1979’s Ogro (Ogre). Both also took up the question of violence against an occupying force. But from Ogro’s release until his death last week, the master of political filmmaking was an absence in the world of cinema. A relentless perfectionist, he often scrapped projects on which studios wanted him to compromise. In the end, he would rather the film not get made at all than be watered down by a film company trying to skirt political controversy. A quick glance at some of his scuttled projects reveals what we missed: from a chronicling of the first Palestinian Intifada, to a biography of Salvadoran Archbishop and human rights activist Oscar Romero.
Perhaps the real tragedy of Pontecorvo’s untimely death, as well as his relative absence from the big screen in recent decades, is that the nature of the world we live in today would have been best illuminated by his perspective. In a world where the arm of imperialism is constantly attempting to stretch itself to new territories, a lens of clarity like Pontecorvo’s is sorely needed in the realm of film. Edward Said made Pontecorvo’s contribution very clear: “In the end I think his films leave us with a lot of questions; questions like can empires be defeated? Is there a possibility for relationships between western societies and non-western societies that are not based on oppression and discrimination?” At a time when those very questions are more urgent than ever, few filmmakers force us to confront them, and even fewer can force us so skillfully. Compared to Algiers, most “issue” movies today seem preachy or apologetic. That is why Pontecorvo’s films remain so important.
Pontecorvo’s works like The Battle of Algiers have withstood the test of time for a reason: they continue to inspire and teach. The flawless way in which his movies mix politics and art serves as a brilliant example for today’s directors. Will a new generation of filmmakers take up the torch he has so gracefully passed to them? If they do, that will be Pontecorvo’s biggest legacy.
Add comment Wednesday, November 1, 2006












